War Balance

Is Peru helping Russia or Ukraine? The net is essentially zero

Peru's support for Ukraine since 2022: −€4m (<0.01% of one year's GDP: its aid, refugee hosting, private donations and its other parts of support, net of money flowing back). Russia kept €191m (0.08% of GDP) less than without the war. The net is 0.07% of a year's GDP toward Ukraine (likely from 0.07% toward Russia to 0.45% toward Ukraine; essentially zero).

Open in the map →

Toward Ukraine by

0.07% of a year's GDP since 2022

essentially zero

likely from 0.07% toward Russia to 0.45% toward Ukraine · €187m · ≈ 0.02%/yr

Bought less from Ukraine than without the war + cut Russia's earnings from trade = 0.07% of GDP toward Ukraine. Mostly less kept by Russia from trade.

Chance toward Ukraine: 80%; 100% of the other method choices agree.

Support for Ukraine

Bought less from Ukraine than without the war; below zero by

<0.01%

€4m

about 0 essentially zero

Russia's earnings from trade

Cut Russia's earnings from trade by

0.08%

€191m

likely from 0.07% toward Russia to 0.45% toward Ukraine essentially zero

Russia kept €191m (0.08% of GDP) less than without the war.

The two lines add up to Russia's earnings from trade; their ranges do not.

Its story in short

What decides this number

Chance toward Ukraine: 80%; 100% of the other method choices agree. Near zero, and not certain mostly because of how much it would have bought from Russia without the war. Here the size of the net is the finding, not its direction: likely from 0.07% toward Russia to 0.45% toward Ukraine.

What makes up the number

Bought less from Ukraine than without the war; below zero by <0.01% · €4m

Ukraine kept less from sales hereC−<0.01%€7m
Its share of IMF and World Bank loansC+<0.01%€4m
Peru kept more from extra sales to UkraineC−<0.01%€1m

Cut Russia's earnings from trade by 0.08% · €191m

Russia kept less from fuel and goods sold hereC+0.10%€241m
Russia kept more from war-time fuel pricesC−0.02%€61m
Russia kept less from its oil bought via other countriesDown estimate+<0.01%€11m
Peru kept less from selling to RussiaC+<0.01%€2m
Russia kept more from services sold hereC−<0.01%€1m
Peru kept more from services sold to RussiaC−<0.01%€1m

+ toward Ukraine, − toward Russia (in support for Ukraine, − is money it earned back or bought less from Ukraine than without the war). Letters: A reported, B measured estimate, C modelled estimate, D rough indication.

By year

The year with the largest net amount was 2023: +€88m. The yearly amounts are small against the range of the total, so their side from one year to the next is not a finding.

YearSupport for UkraineTrade: toward Ukraine (+) / toward Russia (−)NetNet since 2022
2022−€1m−€45m−€47m−0.02%
2023+€1m+€87m+€88m+0.02%
2024+<€1m+€57m+€57m+0.04%
2025−€2m+€31m+€29m+0.05%
2026*−€1m+€61m+€60m+0.07%

Each year's amount: + toward Ukraine, − toward Russia. *2026: to August.

Support for Ukraine by type

Peru's support for Ukraine, 2022 to August 2026, split by type. The parts add up to the map's figure.

Military aid–
Financial aid (incl. IMF and World Bank share)€4mof which its share of IMF and World Bank lending: €4m
Private donations and purchases−€7m
Money flowing back−€1msubtracted
Support for Ukraine (the map's figure)−€4m

Quality of the split: D No military aid on record outside Kiel's tracker; this does not mean that no military aid was given.

Military aid to Ukraine, every country →

Trade with Russia before and after

It bought €0.51bn from Russia in 2021 and €0.38bn in 2025 (−25%). It sold €0.16bn to Russia in 2021 and €98m in 2025 (−40%). For Peru: €61m paid above no-war prices, most of it in 2022, 71% of it on gas contracts. These are sales values at each year's prices; the totals count what the seller kept on them.

Sanctions on Russia

We found no sanctions of Peru's own against Russia (checked 27 October 2026). This says nothing about whether firms there follow other countries' sanctions. Russia's list of “unfriendly” states does not name Peru. Checked 27 October 2026.

Every country's sanctions on Russia →

Money flowing back from the war effort

€67m of aid and of Ukraine's purchases was spent in Peru; what its firms kept of it, €1m, is taken off its support.

Compared with its neighbours and groups

Its direction is essentially zero, so the map's ranking gives it no number.

Neighbours by land

CountryNet, % of GDP
Bolivia+0.44%+€0.22bnlikely toward Ukraine · 82%
Ecuador+0.37%+€0.41bnlikely toward Ukraine · 89%
Colombia+0.15%+€0.52bnlikely toward Ukraine · 95%
Peru+0.07%+€0.19bnessentially zero
Chile+0.04%+€0.11bnvery likely · 99%
Brazil−0.51%−€10.1bnvery likely · >99%

How the number is backed

19 sources back its parts: 3 official statistics, 2 research reports, 0 press reports and 3 of this project's own estimates, plus 11 method inputs. By size, 0% of its parts are reported or measured (A–B), 97% modelled (C) and 3% rough indications (D).

Data coverage

Sources, by part

Russia kept less from fuel and goods sold here C

Russia kept more from war-time fuel prices C

Russia kept less from its oil bought via other countries D

Ukraine kept less from sales here C

Its share of IMF and World Bank loans C

Every source of its parts (19)

Questions

Why is Peru's net so small?

Its net is essentially zero: +0.07% of one year's GDP (likely from 0.07% toward Russia to 0.45% toward Ukraine). Near zero, and not certain mostly because of how much it would have bought from Russia without the war.

Does Peru trade with Russia?

It bought €0.38bn from Russia in 2025 (€0.51bn in 2021), and sold €98m to Russia. What counts here is the change in what Russia kept from that trade (taxes and profit, not sales) against a world without the war: Russia kept €191m (0.08% of GDP) less than without the war.

Is Peru helping Russia?

In money terms the net is +0.07% of one year's GDP (likely from 0.07% toward Russia to 0.45% toward Ukraine; essentially zero). Chance toward Ukraine: 80%; 100% of the other method choices agree. Russia kept €191m (0.08% of GDP) less than without the war. The number counts money: weapons at their money value; votes, diplomacy and intent are not in it.

How does Peru compare with its neighbours?

The net as a share of one year's GDP: Bolivia +0.44%, Ecuador +0.37%, Colombia +0.15%, Peru +0.07%, Chile +0.04%, Brazil −0.51%.

Where do the numbers for Peru come from?

19 sources back its parts, 3 of them official statistics. By part: Russia kept less from fuel and goods sold here: UN Comtrade, IMF trade statistics and Eurostat: goods trade with Russia and Ukraine; Russia kept more from war-time fuel prices: War-time price windfall on Russian fuel: payments minus the same volume at the prices a no-war market expected (pre-invasion forecasts and futures: IMF, World Bank, EIA, ECB, ICE); Russia kept less from its oil bought via other countries: Laundered oil: fuel made from Russian crude, assigned to the final buyer (trading hubs pass on what they resell), valued at the Russian crude inside it. The map's panel lists every one, with its documents.

Does Peru have sanctions on Russia?

We found no sanctions of Peru's own against Russia (checked 27 October 2026). This says nothing about whether firms there follow other countries' sanctions. Russia's list of “unfriendly” states does not name Peru.

Nearby in the ranking

Essentially zero

  1. Panama+0.08%Essentially zero · +€63m · 78%
  2. Thailand+0.08%Essentially zero · +€393m · 68%
  3. Greece+0.08%Essentially zero · +€175m · 53%
  4. Peru+0.07%Essentially zero · +€187m · 80%
  5. Albania+0.07%Essentially zero · +€16m · 70%
  6. Timor-Leste+0.07%Essentially zero · +€1m · >99%
  7. Trinidad and Tobago+0.06%Essentially zero · +€16m · 71%

More about Peru

Its parts, ranked against other countries

Every country, by year

19 sources in all; the map's panel lists every one, with its documents. Open in the map · How this is measured

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Cite as: War Balance, figures to August 2026, https://warbalance.org/country/peru/