Its story in short
- Two different things added The net adds two different things: help given to Ukraine and the change in what Russia kept from trade. Much of what one country stopped buying, Russia sold to others.
Trinidad and Tobago's support for Ukraine since 2022: <€1m (<0.01% of one year's GDP: its aid, refugee hosting, private donations and its other parts of support, net of money flowing back). Russia kept €16m (0.07% of GDP) less than without the war. The net is 0.06% of a year's GDP toward Ukraine (likely from 0.12% toward Russia to 0.21% toward Ukraine; essentially zero).
Toward Ukraine by
0.06% of a year's GDP since 2022
essentially zero
likely from 0.12% toward Russia to 0.21% toward Ukraine · €16m · ≈ 0.01%/yr
Bought less from Ukraine than without the war + cut Russia's earnings from trade = 0.06% of GDP toward Ukraine. Mostly less kept by Russia from trade.
Chance toward Ukraine: 71%; 100% of the other method choices agree.
Support for Ukraine
Bought less from Ukraine than without the war; below zero by
<0.01%
<€1m
likely from 0.02% below zero to <0.01% above zero essentially zero
Russia's earnings from trade
Cut Russia's earnings from trade by
0.07%
€16m
likely from 0.12% toward Russia to 0.22% toward Ukraine essentially zero
Russia kept €16m (0.07% of GDP) less than without the war.
The two lines add up to Russia's earnings from trade; their ranges do not.
Chance toward Ukraine: 71%; 100% of the other method choices agree. Near zero, and not certain mostly because of how much it would have bought from Russia without the war. Here the size of the net is the finding, not its direction: likely from 0.12% toward Russia to 0.21% toward Ukraine.
Bought less from Ukraine than without the war; below zero by <0.01% · <€1m
Cut Russia's earnings from trade by 0.07% · €16m
| Russia kept less from fuel and goods sold hereC | +0.07% | €18m |
| Russia kept more from war-time fuel pricesC | −<0.01% | €2m |
+ toward Ukraine, − toward Russia (in support for Ukraine, − is money it earned back or bought less from Ukraine than without the war). Letters: A reported, B measured estimate, C modelled estimate, D rough indication.
The year with the largest net amount was 2022: +€10m. The yearly amounts are small against the range of the total, so their side from one year to the next is not a finding.
| Year | Support for Ukraine | Trade: toward Ukraine (+) / toward Russia (−) | Net | Net since 2022 |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| 2022 | −<€1m | +€10m | +€10m | +0.04% |
| 2023 | −<€1m | +€1m | +€1m | +0.04% |
| 2024 | −<€1m | −€9m | −€9m | +<0.01% |
| 2025 | −<€1m | +€6m | +€6m | +0.03% |
| 2026* | −<€1m | +€8m | +€8m | +0.06% |
Each year's amount: + toward Ukraine, − toward Russia. *2026: to August.
It bought €3m from Russia in 2021 and <€1m in 2025. It sold <€1m to Russia in 2021 and €0m in 2025. For Trinidad and Tobago: €2m paid above no-war prices, most of it in 2024, 71% of it on gas contracts. These are sales values at each year's prices; the totals count what the seller kept on them.
We found no sanctions of Trinidad and Tobago's own against Russia (checked 27 October 2026). This says nothing about whether firms there follow other countries' sanctions. Russia's list of “unfriendly” states does not name Trinidad and Tobago. Checked 27 October 2026.
Its direction is essentially zero, so the map's ranking gives it no number.
10 sources back its parts: 1 official statistics, 1 research reports, 0 press reports and 2 of this project's own estimates, plus 6 method inputs. By size, 0% of its parts are reported or measured (A–B), 100% modelled (C) and 0% rough indications (D). No data: Sales to Russia. There is no observation of its own for the war years, so these count as zero. Why
Its net is essentially zero: +0.06% of one year's GDP (likely from 0.12% toward Russia to 0.21% toward Ukraine). Near zero, and not certain mostly because of how much it would have bought from Russia without the war.
In money terms the net is +0.06% of one year's GDP (likely from 0.12% toward Russia to 0.21% toward Ukraine; essentially zero). Chance toward Ukraine: 71%; 100% of the other method choices agree. Russia kept €16m (0.07% of GDP) less than without the war. The number counts money: weapons at their money value; votes, diplomacy and intent are not in it.
10 sources back its parts, 1 of them official statistics. By part: Russia kept less from fuel and goods sold here: UN Comtrade, IMF trade statistics and Eurostat: goods trade with Russia and Ukraine; Russia kept more from war-time fuel prices: War-time price windfall on Russian fuel: payments minus the same volume at the prices a no-war market expected (pre-invasion forecasts and futures: IMF, World Bank, EIA, ECB, ICE). The map's panel lists every one, with its documents.
We found no sanctions of Trinidad and Tobago's own against Russia (checked 27 October 2026). This says nothing about whether firms there follow other countries' sanctions. Russia's list of “unfriendly” states does not name Trinidad and Tobago.
Essentially zero
10 sources in all; the map's panel lists every one, with its documents. Open in the map · How this is measured
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Cite as: War Balance, figures to August 2026, https://warbalance.org/country/trinidad-and-tobago/