Its story in short
- Russian forces in the country Wagner Group or Russia's Africa Corps operated here: 2024, 2025, 2026. Paid to them and taken by their firms, at Russia's gain, against 2021: €3m.
Niger's support for Ukraine since 2022: <€1m (<0.01% of one year's GDP: its aid, refugee hosting, private donations and its other parts of support, net of money flowing back). Russia kept €1m (<0.01% of GDP) more than without the war, mostly Russian crude in fuel bought from refiners elsewhere (€5m; the other parts take €3m off it). The net is <0.01% of a year's GDP toward Russia (likely from 0.17% toward Russia to 0.40% toward Ukraine; essentially zero).
Toward Russia by
<0.01% of a year's GDP since 2022
essentially zero
likely from 0.17% toward Russia to 0.40% toward Ukraine · €2m · ≈ <0.01%/yr
Bought less from Ukraine than without the war + raised Russia's earnings from trade = <0.01% of GDP toward Russia. Mostly toward Russia (mostly Russian crude in fuel bought from refiners elsewhere).
Chance toward Russia: 58%; 90% of the other method choices agree.
Support for Ukraine
Bought less from Ukraine than without the war; below zero by
<0.01%
<€1m
about 0 essentially zero
Russia's earnings from trade
Raised Russia's earnings from trade by
<0.01%
€1m
likely from 0.17% toward Russia to 0.40% toward Ukraine essentially zero
Russia kept €1m (<0.01% of GDP) more than without the war, mostly Russian crude in fuel bought from refiners elsewhere (€5m; the other parts take €3m off it).
The two lines add up to Russia's earnings from trade; their ranges do not.
Chance toward Russia: 58%; 90% of the other method choices agree. Near zero, and not certain mostly because of how much it would have bought from Russia without the war. Here the size of the net is the finding, not its direction: likely from 0.17% toward Russia to 0.40% toward Ukraine.
Bought less from Ukraine than without the war; below zero by <0.01% · <€1m
Raised Russia's earnings from trade by <0.01% · €1m
| Russia kept less from fuel and goods sold hereC | +0.06% | €10m |
| Russia kept more from its oil bought via other countriesDown estimate | −0.03% | €5m |
| Russian forces paid here (Wagner / Africa Corps)D | −0.02% | €3m |
| Russia kept more from weapons sold hereD | −0.01% | €2m |
| Russia kept more from war-time fuel pricesC | −0.01% | €2m |
+ toward Ukraine, − toward Russia (in support for Ukraine, − is money it earned back or bought less from Ukraine than without the war). Letters: A reported, B measured estimate, C modelled estimate, D rough indication.
The year with the largest net amount was 2023: −€2m. The yearly amounts are small against the range of the total, so their side from one year to the next is not a finding.
| Year | Support for Ukraine | Trade: toward Ukraine (+) / toward Russia (−) | Net | Net since 2022 |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| 2022 | +<€1m | −€1m | −€1m | −<0.01% |
| 2023 | −<€1m | −€2m | −€2m | −0.02% |
| 2024 | −<€1m | +€1m | +€1m | −0.02% |
| 2025 | −<€1m | −<€1m | −<€1m | −0.02% |
| 2026* | −<€1m | +€1m | +€1m | −<0.01% |
Each year's amount: + toward Ukraine, − toward Russia. *2026: to August.
It bought €8m from Russia in 2021 and €3m in 2025. It sold <€1m to Russia in 2021 and €1m in 2025. For Niger: €2m paid above no-war prices, most of it in 2022, 71% of it on gas contracts. These are sales values at each year's prices; the totals count what the seller kept on them.
We found no sanctions of Niger's own against Russia (checked 27 October 2026). This says nothing about whether firms there follow other countries' sanctions. Russia's list of “unfriendly” states does not name Niger. Checked 27 October 2026.
Its direction is essentially zero, so the map's ranking gives it no number.
14 sources back its parts: 1 official statistics, 4 research reports, 0 press reports and 3 of this project's own estimates, plus 6 method inputs. By size, 0% of its parts are reported or measured (A–B), 55% modelled (C) and 45% rough indications (D).
In money terms the net is −<0.01% of one year's GDP (likely from 0.17% toward Russia to 0.40% toward Ukraine; essentially zero). Chance toward Russia: 58%; 90% of the other method choices agree. Russia kept €1m (<0.01% of GDP) more than without the war, mostly Russian crude in fuel bought from refiners elsewhere (€5m; the other parts take €3m off it). The number counts money: weapons at their money value; votes, diplomacy and intent are not in it.
Its net is essentially zero: −<0.01% of one year's GDP (likely from 0.17% toward Russia to 0.40% toward Ukraine). Near zero, and not certain mostly because of how much it would have bought from Russia without the war.
The net as a share of one year's GDP: Nigeria +0.42%, Mali +0.06%, Algeria +0.02%, Niger −<0.01%, Benin −0.36%, Burkina Faso −3.9%, Libya −6.6%.
14 sources back its parts, 1 of them official statistics. By part: Russia kept less from fuel and goods sold here: UN Comtrade, IMF trade statistics and Eurostat: goods trade with Russia and Ukraine; Russia kept more from its oil bought via other countries: Laundered oil: fuel made from Russian crude, assigned to the final buyer (trading hubs pass on what they resell), valued at the Russian crude inside it; Russian forces paid here (Wagner / Africa Corps): Wagner Group / Africa Corps: RUSI (2025), The Sentry, Blood Gold Report, UN Panels of Experts, US Treasury, EU and UK sanctions designations. The map's panel lists every one, with its documents.
We found no sanctions of Niger's own against Russia (checked 27 October 2026). This says nothing about whether firms there follow other countries' sanctions. Russia's list of “unfriendly” states does not name Niger.
Essentially zero
14 sources in all; the map's panel lists every one, with its documents. Open in the map · How this is measured
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Cite as: War Balance, figures to August 2026, https://warbalance.org/country/niger/