Its story in short
- Rough data: mostly estimates 51% of its parts, by size, are rough indications (certainty D): treat its number as a direction, not a measurement.
Bermuda's support for Ukraine since 2022: <€1m (<0.01% of one year's GDP: its aid, refugee hosting, private donations and its other parts of support, net of money flowing back). Russia kept <€1m (<0.01% of GDP) more than without the war, mostly Russian crude in fuel bought from refiners elsewhere (€2m; the other parts take €2m off it). The net is <0.01% of a year's GDP toward Russia (likely from 0.40% toward Russia to 0.30% toward Ukraine; essentially zero).
Toward Russia by
<0.01% of a year's GDP since 2022
essentially zero
likely from 0.40% toward Russia to 0.30% toward Ukraine · <€1m · ≈ <0.01%/yr
Supported Ukraine + raised Russia's earnings from trade = <0.01% of GDP toward Russia. Mostly toward Russia (mostly Russian crude in fuel bought from refiners elsewhere).
Chance toward Russia: 53%; 90% of the other method choices agree.
Support for Ukraine
Supported Ukraine with
<0.01%
<€1m
about 0 essentially zero
Russia's earnings from trade
Raised Russia's earnings from trade by
<0.01%
<€1m
likely from 0.40% toward Russia to 0.30% toward Ukraine essentially zero
Russia kept <€1m (<0.01% of GDP) more than without the war, mostly Russian crude in fuel bought from refiners elsewhere (€2m; the other parts take €2m off it).
The two lines add up to Russia's earnings from trade; their ranges do not.
Chance toward Russia: 53%; 90% of the other method choices agree. Near zero, and not certain mostly because of the uncertain size of one part: Its firms paid Russia more tax. Here the size of the net is the finding, not its direction: likely from 0.40% toward Russia to 0.30% toward Ukraine.
Supported Ukraine with <0.01% · <€1m
Raised Russia's earnings from trade by <0.01% · <€1m
| Russia kept less from services sold hereC | +0.03% | €2m |
| Russia kept more from its oil bought via other countriesDown estimate | −0.03% | €2m |
| Its firms paid Russia more taxD | −0.01% | €1m |
+ toward Ukraine, − toward Russia (in support for Ukraine, − is money it earned back or bought less from Ukraine than without the war). Letters: A reported, B measured estimate, C modelled estimate, D rough indication.
| Year | Support for Ukraine | Trade: toward Ukraine (+) / toward Russia (−) | Net | Net since 2022 |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| 2022 | +<€1m | −<€1m | −<€1m | −<0.01% |
| 2023 | +<€1m | +<€1m | +<€1m | +<0.01% |
| 2024 | −<€1m | −<€1m | −<€1m | −<0.01% |
| 2025 | +<€1m | +<€1m | +<€1m | −<0.01% |
| 2026* | +<€1m | −<€1m | −<€1m | −<0.01% |
Each year's amount: + toward Ukraine, − toward Russia. *2026: to August.
It bought <€1m from Russia in 2021 and €0m in 2025. It sold <€1m to Russia in 2021 and <€1m in 2025. For Bermuda: €0 paid below no-war prices, most of it in 2022, 71% of it on gas contracts. These are sales values at each year's prices; the totals count what the seller kept on them.
Bermuda is a territory of United Kingdom. We did not check whether the sanctions of United Kingdom on Russia extend to it. Separately, Russia lists Bermuda as an “unfriendly” state (government order 3216-r, 29 October 2022): that is Russia's own list of countries it acts against, not a sanction by Bermuda. Checked 27 October 2026.
Its direction is essentially zero, so the map's ranking gives it no number.
9 sources back its parts: 1 official statistics, 1 research reports, 0 press reports and 1 of this project's own estimates, plus 6 method inputs. By size, 0% of its parts are reported or measured (A–B), 44% modelled (C) and 56% rough indications (D). No data: Sales to Russia. There is no observation of its own for the war years, so these count as zero. Why
In money terms the net is −<0.01% of one year's GDP (likely from 0.40% toward Russia to 0.30% toward Ukraine; essentially zero). Chance toward Russia: 53%; 90% of the other method choices agree. Russia kept <€1m (<0.01% of GDP) more than without the war, mostly Russian crude in fuel bought from refiners elsewhere (€2m; the other parts take €2m off it). The number counts money: weapons at their money value; votes, diplomacy and intent are not in it.
Its net is essentially zero: −<0.01% of one year's GDP (likely from 0.40% toward Russia to 0.30% toward Ukraine). Near zero, and not certain mostly because of the uncertain size of one part: Its firms paid Russia more tax.
9 sources back its parts, 1 of them official statistics. By part: Russia kept less from services sold here: Services trade with Russia (tourism, transport, business services): Eurostat, OECD-WTO BaTiS, Bank of Russia; Russia kept more from its oil bought via other countries: Laundered oil: fuel made from Russian crude, assigned to the final buyer (trading hubs pass on what they resell), valued at the Russian crude inside it; Its firms paid Russia more tax: Company taxes in Russia: KSE checked against company reports (Raiffeisen, UniCredit, OTP, PepsiCo) and Bundesbank reinvested earnings. The map's panel lists every one, with its documents.
Bermuda is a territory of United Kingdom. We did not check whether the sanctions of United Kingdom on Russia extend to it. Separately, Russia lists Bermuda as an “unfriendly” state (government order 3216-r, 29 October 2022): that is Russia's own list of countries it acts against, not a sanction by Bermuda. Sources: Government of Russia, Order of 29 October 2022 No. 3216-r amending the list (scanned).
Essentially zero
9 sources in all; the map's panel lists every one, with its documents. Open in the map · How this is measured
УкраїнськаDeutschFrançaisPolskiNederlandsEspañol
Cite as: War Balance, figures to August 2026, https://warbalance.org/country/bermuda/