Its story in short
- Small economy A small economy (GDP €2.1bn): small sums move its % a lot. Not ranked, and drawn in the lightest shade only.
Eritrea's support for Ukraine since 2022: −€1m (−0.06% of one year's GDP: its aid, refugee hosting, private donations and its other parts of support, net of money flowing back). Russia kept €5m (0.26% of GDP) more than without the war. The net is 0.32% of a year's GDP toward Russia (likely from 1.1% toward Russia to 1.2% toward Ukraine; likely toward Russia · 68%).
Leaning toward Russia by
0.32% of a year's GDP since 2022
likely toward Russia · 68%
likely from 1.1% toward Russia to 1.2% toward Ukraine · €7m · ≈ 0.07%/yr
Bought less from Ukraine than without the war + raised Russia's earnings from trade = 0.32% of GDP toward Russia. Mostly toward Russia (mostly more fuel bought from Russia).
Chance toward Russia: 68%; 100% of the other method choices agree.
Support for Ukraine
Bought less from Ukraine than without the war; below zero by
0.06%
€1m
likely from 0.50% below zero to 0.01% above zero essentially zero
Russia's earnings from trade
Raised Russia's earnings from trade by
0.26%
€5m
likely from 0.88% toward Russia to 1.3% toward Ukraine too close to call · 62% toward Russia
Russia kept €5m (0.26% of GDP) more than without the war.
The two lines add up to Russia's earnings from trade; their ranges do not.
Chance toward Russia: 68%; 100% of the other method choices agree. Not certain, mostly because of how much it would have bought from Russia without the war.
Bought less from Ukraine than without the war; below zero by 0.06% · €1m
| Ukraine kept less from sales hereC | −0.06% | €1m |
Raised Russia's earnings from trade by 0.26% · €5m
| Russia kept more from fuel and goods sold hereC | −0.15% | €3m |
| Russia kept more from war-time fuel pricesC | −0.06% | €1m |
| Russia kept more from its oil bought via other countriesDown estimate | −0.04% | €1m |
+ toward Ukraine, − toward Russia (in support for Ukraine, − is money it earned back or bought less from Ukraine than without the war). Letters: A reported, B measured estimate, C modelled estimate, D rough indication.
The year with the largest net amount was 2022: −€3m.
| Year | Support for Ukraine | Trade: toward Ukraine (+) / toward Russia (−) | Net | Net since 2022 |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| 2022 | −<€1m | −€2m | −€3m | −0.14% |
| 2023 | −<€1m | −€1m | −€1m | −0.20% |
| 2024 | −<€1m | −€1m | −€2m | −0.29% |
| 2025 | −<€1m | −<€1m | −€1m | −0.31% |
| 2026* | −<€1m | +<€1m | −<€1m | −0.32% |
Each year's amount: + toward Ukraine, − toward Russia. *2026: to August.
Eritrea's support for Ukraine, 2022 to August 2026, split by type. The parts add up to the map's figure.
| Military aid | – |
| Private donations and purchases | −€1m |
| Support for Ukraine (the map's figure) | −€1m |
Quality of the split: D No military aid on record outside Kiel's tracker; this does not mean that no military aid was given.
It bought €5m from Russia in 2021 and €4m in 2025. It sold <€1m to Russia in 2021 and €1m in 2025. For Eritrea: €1m paid above no-war prices, most of it in 2022, 71% of it on gas contracts. Most of this is fuel and food bought from Russia. Fuel is fungible and sold through many traders: the figure reflects what this economy bought, not a policy toward Russia or Ukraine. These are sales values at each year's prices; the totals count what the seller kept on them.
We found no sanctions of Eritrea's own against Russia (checked 27 October 2026). This says nothing about whether firms there follow other countries' sanctions. Russia's list of “unfriendly” states does not name Eritrea. Checked 27 October 2026.
15 sources back its parts: 1 official statistics, 2 research reports, 0 press reports and 4 of this project's own estimates, plus 8 method inputs. By size, 0% of its parts are reported or measured (A–B), 87% modelled (C) and 13% rough indications (D).
In money terms the net is −0.32% of one year's GDP (likely from 1.1% toward Russia to 1.2% toward Ukraine; likely toward Russia · 68%). Chance toward Russia: 68%; 100% of the other method choices agree. Russia kept €5m (0.26% of GDP) more than without the war. Most of this is fuel and food bought from Russia. Fuel is fungible and sold through many traders: the figure reflects what this economy bought, not a policy toward Russia or Ukraine. The number counts money: weapons at their money value; votes, diplomacy and intent are not in it.
15 sources back its parts, 1 of them official statistics. By part: Russia kept more from fuel and goods sold here: UN Comtrade, IMF trade statistics and Eurostat: goods trade with Russia and Ukraine; Ukraine kept less from sales here: UN Comtrade, IMF trade statistics and Eurostat: goods trade with Russia and Ukraine; Russia kept more from war-time fuel prices: War-time price windfall on Russian fuel: payments minus the same volume at the prices a no-war market expected (pre-invasion forecasts and futures: IMF, World Bank, EIA, ECB, ICE). The map's panel lists every one, with its documents.
We found no sanctions of Eritrea's own against Russia (checked 27 October 2026). This says nothing about whether firms there follow other countries' sanctions. Russia's list of “unfriendly” states does not name Eritrea.
Leaning toward Russia
15 sources in all; the map's panel lists every one, with its documents. Open in the map · How this is measured
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Cite as: War Balance, figures to August 2026, https://warbalance.org/country/eritrea/