Iran vs Türkiye: support for Ukraine and trade with Russia since 2022
Iran: Toward Russia by 0.44% of a year's GDP since 2022 (likely 0.21% to 0.69% toward Russia; very likely · >99%). Türkiye: Toward Russia by 3.1% of a year's GDP since 2022 (likely 0.18% to 5.2% toward Russia; very likely · 96%).
Support for Ukraine in euros: Iran €1m, Türkiye €0.16bn. More in euros: Türkiye; more as a share of GDP: Türkiye.
These numbers measure money: aid to Ukraine and the change in what Russia keeps from trade, against a world without the war. Weapons count at their money value: aid at market value when delivered, weapons and troops sent to Russia at the seller's gain where Russia paid and in full where it did not. Votes, diplomacy and intent are not in them.
Side by side
| # | Country | Net | Support for Ukraine | Russia kept from trade, vs no war | Paid Russia since 2022 |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Iran | −0.44%−€1.9bn · −€20 per personlikely 0.21% to 0.69% toward Russiavery likely · >99% | −€1m<0.01% of GDPessentially zero | €1.9bn more0.44% of GDP morevery likely · >99% | €8.2bn1.9% of GDP | |
| Türkiye | −3.1%−€32.7bn · −€382 per personlikely 0.18% to 5.2% toward Russiavery likely · 96% | +€0.16bn+0.02% of GDPessentially zero | €32.8bn more3.1% of GDP morevery likely · 96% | €174bn16.3% of GDP |
Each row: the best estimate, then its range and the chance of its direction, as in the country's panel.
What makes up each number
| Measure | Iran | Türkiye |
|---|---|---|
| Purchases from Ukraine vs no war | −€13m<0.01% of GDP | +€0.16bn+0.01% of GDP |
| Share of IMF and World Bank lending to Ukraine | +€12m<0.01% of GDP | +€27m<0.01% of GDP |
| Government aid to Ukraine | – | +€54m<0.01% of GDP |
| Extra sales to Ukraine | – | −€28m<0.01% of GDP |
| Arms Ukraine bought here | – | −€26m<0.01% of GDP |
| Other countries' aid to Ukraine spent here | – | −€14m<0.01% of GDP |
| Aid spent here on energy, relief and rebuilding | – | −€13m<0.01% of GDP |
| Cost of hosting refugees from Ukraine | – | +€6m<0.01% of GDP |
| Weapons and troops sent to Russia | −€1.8bn−0.44% of GDP | – |
| Russia's gain on fuel and goods it sold | +€85m+0.02% of GDP | −€11.1bn−1.0% of GDP |
| Weapons bought from Russia | −€65m−0.02% of GDP | +€13m<0.01% of GDP |
| Extra price Russia paid because of sanctions | −€43m−0.01% of GDP | −€1bn−0.10% of GDP |
| Rosatom projects and Russian state loans | +€40m<0.01% of GDP | +€0.61bn+0.06% of GDP |
| Sellers' gain on sales to Russia | −€12m<0.01% of GDP | −€89m<0.01% of GDP |
| Company taxes paid in Russia | −€11m<0.01% of GDP | −€0.16bn−0.02% of GDP |
| Company profits in Russia | −€7m<0.01% of GDP | −€0.30bn−0.03% of GDP |
| Russian oil bought via other countries | −€5m<0.01% of GDP | +€0.16bn+0.02% of GDP |
| Services sold to Russia | −€2m<0.01% of GDP | −€0.14bn−0.01% of GDP |
| Services bought from Russia | +€2m<0.01% of GDP | −€40m<0.01% of GDP |
| Russia's gain from war-time fuel prices | −€1m<0.01% of GDP | −€20.5bn−1.9% of GDP |
| Shipping and insuring Russian oil | – | −€0.11bn−0.01% of GDP |
| Payment agents settling Russia's trade | – | −€92m<0.01% of GDP |
| Profits of Russian-owned companies abroad | – | −€21m<0.01% of GDP |
| Gold and hidden payments to Russia | – | −€5m<0.01% of GDP |
+ toward Ukraine, − toward Russia
Year by year
| Year | Country | Support for Ukraine | Trade: toward Ukraine (+) / toward Russia (−) | Net |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| 2022 | Iran | −€1m | −€164m | −€164m |
| Türkiye | +€112m | −€15.1bn | −€15.0bn | |
| 2023 | Iran | +€2m | −€798m | −€796m |
| Türkiye | +€29m | −€5.2bn | −€5.2bn | |
| 2024 | Iran | +€1m | −€655m | −€654m |
| Türkiye | +€1m | −€6.2bn | −€6.2bn | |
| 2025 | Iran | −€3m | −€278m | −€281m |
| Türkiye | +€8m | −€4.3bn | −€4.3bn | |
| 2026* | Iran | −€1m | +€38m | +€37m |
| Türkiye | +€10m | −€1.9bn | −€1.9bn |
Each year's amount: + toward Ukraine, − toward Russia. *2026: to August.
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Cite as: War Balance, figures to August 2026, https://warbalance.org/compare/iran-vs-turkiye/